In a report published in 2009 the United States of America based Human Rights Watch recommends a range of fundamental reforms that Zimbabwe's the power-sharing government should undertake to improve the human rights situation in Zimbabwe.
In the report titled "Zimbabwe-False Dawn", Human Rights Watch says "without these
institutional and legislative reforms, as well as the establishment of genuine respect for the basic rights of all Zimbabweans, there can be no long-term, sustainable peace and stability in Zimbabwe." It adds that if followed and adhered to then these changes will "finally allow Zimbabweans to elect leaders of their
choice."
According to the report, the long of this is that when the reforms are in place, Zimbabwe will be better placed to attract international development assistance and private sector investment.
Below is a snippet of the report which extensively details the Zimbabwe power-sharing government’s failure to deliver human rights improvements.
There is mounting evidence that the new government is failing or unwilling to end serious human rights violations, restore the rule of law, institute fundamental rights reforms, and chart a new political direction for the country. Despite commitments made by all parties, the new power-sharing government has not taken any significant steps to ensure justice for victims of abuses or hold perpetrators of human rights violations to account. Police, prosecuting authorities, and court officials aligned with ZANU-PF continue to conduct politically motivated prosecutions of MDC legislators and activists.
This inaction cannot be blamed on the country’s financial crisis, itself caused by ZANU-PF’s years of misrule before 2009. Instead, it is due to an absence of political will. ZANU-PF retains control of all senior ministries—including the Ministries of Defence, Justice, State Security, and Foreign Affairs; and it co-chairs Home Affairs. The party therefore wields significantly more power than the MDC in the government, and is unwilling to institute human rights and governance reforms. Although the MDC has formal control of some ministries, President Mugabe unilaterally appointed permanent secretaries to all ministries, ensuring that ZANU-PF maintains control of them. Lacking real political power to effect reforms, the MDC is unable to push for human rights reforms and appears to be giving ground to ZANU-PF in order to ensure the survival of the power-sharing government.
The Global Political Agreement (GPA), signed in September 2008, calls on its signatory parties to “build a society free of violence, fear, intimidation, hatred, patronage, corruption and founded on justice, fairness, openness, transparency, dignity and equality.” Human Rights Watch endorses this insightful conclusion and calls on the power-sharing government, as well as Zimbabwe’s neighbors and allies, to ensure that the country embraces progressive and sustainable change. If not, Zimbabwe risks sliding back into violence and chaos
Wednesday, January 27, 2010
Zimbabwe - A False Dawn
In a report published in 2009 the United States of America based Human Rights Watch recommends a range of fundamental reforms that Zimbabwe's the power-sharing government should undertake to improve the human rights situation in Zimbabwe, writes Simba Nembaware.
In the report titled "Zimbabwe-False Dawn", Human Rights Watch says "without these
institutional and legislative reforms, as well as the establishment of genuine respect for the basic rights of all Zimbabweans, there can be no long-term, sustainable peace and stability in Zimbabwe." It adds that if followed and adhered to then these changes will "finally allow Zimbabweans to elect leaders of their
choice."
According to the report, the long of this is that when the reforms are in place, Zimbabwe will be better placed to attract international development assistance and private sector investment.
Below is a snippet of the report which extensively details the Zimbabwe power-sharing government’s failure to deliver human rights improvements.
There is mounting evidence that the new government is failing or unwilling to end serious human rights violations, restore the rule of law, institute fundamental rights reforms, and chart a new political direction for the country. Despite commitments made by all parties, the new power-sharing government has not taken any significant steps to ensure justice for victims of abuses or hold perpetrators of human rights violations to account. Police, prosecuting authorities, and court officials aligned with ZANU-PF continue to conduct politically motivated prosecutions of MDC legislators and activists.
This inaction cannot be blamed on the country’s financial crisis, itself caused by ZANU-PF’s years of misrule before 2009. Instead, it is due to an absence of political will. ZANU-PF retains control of all senior ministries—including the Ministries of Defence, Justice, State Security, and Foreign Affairs; and it co-chairs Home Affairs. The party therefore wields significantly more power than the MDC in the government, and is unwilling to institute human rights and governance reforms. Although the MDC has formal control of some ministries, President Mugabe unilaterally appointed permanent secretaries to all ministries, ensuring that ZANU-PF maintains control of them. Lacking real political power to effect reforms, the MDC is unable to push for human rights reforms and appears to be giving ground to ZANU-PF in order to ensure the survival of the power-sharing government.
The Global Political Agreement (GPA), signed in September 2008, calls on its signatory parties to “build a society free of violence, fear, intimidation, hatred, patronage, corruption and founded on justice, fairness, openness, transparency, dignity and equality.” Human Rights Watch endorses this insightful conclusion and calls on the power-sharing government, as well as Zimbabwe’s neighbors and allies, to ensure that the country embraces progressive and sustainable change. If not, Zimbabwe risks sliding back into violence and chaos
In the report titled "Zimbabwe-False Dawn", Human Rights Watch says "without these
institutional and legislative reforms, as well as the establishment of genuine respect for the basic rights of all Zimbabweans, there can be no long-term, sustainable peace and stability in Zimbabwe." It adds that if followed and adhered to then these changes will "finally allow Zimbabweans to elect leaders of their
choice."
According to the report, the long of this is that when the reforms are in place, Zimbabwe will be better placed to attract international development assistance and private sector investment.
Below is a snippet of the report which extensively details the Zimbabwe power-sharing government’s failure to deliver human rights improvements.
There is mounting evidence that the new government is failing or unwilling to end serious human rights violations, restore the rule of law, institute fundamental rights reforms, and chart a new political direction for the country. Despite commitments made by all parties, the new power-sharing government has not taken any significant steps to ensure justice for victims of abuses or hold perpetrators of human rights violations to account. Police, prosecuting authorities, and court officials aligned with ZANU-PF continue to conduct politically motivated prosecutions of MDC legislators and activists.
This inaction cannot be blamed on the country’s financial crisis, itself caused by ZANU-PF’s years of misrule before 2009. Instead, it is due to an absence of political will. ZANU-PF retains control of all senior ministries—including the Ministries of Defence, Justice, State Security, and Foreign Affairs; and it co-chairs Home Affairs. The party therefore wields significantly more power than the MDC in the government, and is unwilling to institute human rights and governance reforms. Although the MDC has formal control of some ministries, President Mugabe unilaterally appointed permanent secretaries to all ministries, ensuring that ZANU-PF maintains control of them. Lacking real political power to effect reforms, the MDC is unable to push for human rights reforms and appears to be giving ground to ZANU-PF in order to ensure the survival of the power-sharing government.
The Global Political Agreement (GPA), signed in September 2008, calls on its signatory parties to “build a society free of violence, fear, intimidation, hatred, patronage, corruption and founded on justice, fairness, openness, transparency, dignity and equality.” Human Rights Watch endorses this insightful conclusion and calls on the power-sharing government, as well as Zimbabwe’s neighbors and allies, to ensure that the country embraces progressive and sustainable change. If not, Zimbabwe risks sliding back into violence and chaos
Tuesday, January 26, 2010
Chombo at it again
THE Local Government Minister, Ignatius Chombo has threatened to replace elected local authorities with state-appointed commissions, opening yet another front in the increasingly bitter turf wars within the country’s coalition administration.
The MDC-T has in the past accused Zanu PF of using commissions to subvert the will of voters and win back control of local authorities that would have been won by the opposition in elections.
State commissions have previously been appointed to replace MDC local authorities in the capital Harare as well as the eastern border city of Mutare.
And Local Government Minister, Ignatius Chombo has warned that the provisions of the Urban Councils Act would yet again be invoked where cases of corruption are proven.
The councils said to be targeted are all MDC-T-run and include Bindura, Chitungwiza, Kadoma and Redcliff.
“Last year we forgave most of the councillors because they were newcomers, but ratepayers are now fed up with the levels of corruption in local authorities.
“As Government we cannot just sit back while local authorities milk ratepayers,” he is quoted by The Herald as saying.
In fairness to the Minister however, the MDC-T has itself condemned corruption in some of the councils, particularly Chitungwiza.
The Government has since dispatched investigators to probe the corruption allegations and Chombo warned that he would act on their recommendations.
“We have sent our forensic teams to investigate local authorities that are accused of mismanagement. All councillors who will be found on the wrong side of the law will be automatically dismissed.
“In the event that the whole council is found guilty, we will replace it with a commission until new elections are held,” Chombo is quoted by the state-owned Herald as saying.
He is also said to have written to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai expressing concern at the levels of corruption in local authorities that are dominated by MDC-T councillors. NewZimbabwe
The MDC-T has in the past accused Zanu PF of using commissions to subvert the will of voters and win back control of local authorities that would have been won by the opposition in elections.
State commissions have previously been appointed to replace MDC local authorities in the capital Harare as well as the eastern border city of Mutare.
And Local Government Minister, Ignatius Chombo has warned that the provisions of the Urban Councils Act would yet again be invoked where cases of corruption are proven.
The councils said to be targeted are all MDC-T-run and include Bindura, Chitungwiza, Kadoma and Redcliff.
“Last year we forgave most of the councillors because they were newcomers, but ratepayers are now fed up with the levels of corruption in local authorities.
“As Government we cannot just sit back while local authorities milk ratepayers,” he is quoted by The Herald as saying.
In fairness to the Minister however, the MDC-T has itself condemned corruption in some of the councils, particularly Chitungwiza.
The Government has since dispatched investigators to probe the corruption allegations and Chombo warned that he would act on their recommendations.
“We have sent our forensic teams to investigate local authorities that are accused of mismanagement. All councillors who will be found on the wrong side of the law will be automatically dismissed.
“In the event that the whole council is found guilty, we will replace it with a commission until new elections are held,” Chombo is quoted by the state-owned Herald as saying.
He is also said to have written to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai expressing concern at the levels of corruption in local authorities that are dominated by MDC-T councillors. NewZimbabwe
Friday, January 22, 2010
Learning from others
In a recently published paper titled, Pathways to success, discussing several developing countries that have succeeded in transforming their agriculture sectors into important sources of growth and export earnings, and thus increasing their contribution to poverty and hunger reduction, the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) says the international community is committed to redouble its efforts to fight hunger and malnutrition, writes Simba Nembaware.
“Dismal global figures hide the fact that the number of hungry people has been declining in thirty one countries during the fifteen-year period from 1991 to 2005. The paper analyses examples of countries that are on track to achieve 2015 food security targets. Based on these examples, it argues that success in the battle to halve hunger will usually be characterised by: (1) creation of an enabling environment for economic growth and human well being, (2) outreach to the most vulnerable and investment in the rural poor, (3) protection of gains, and (4) planning for a sustainable future,” reads part of the introduction of the paper which also notes that an unwavering commitment from developing country governments themselves and strong support from the international community is required.
Developing countries discussed are Armenia, Brazil, Nigeria, Vietnam, Algeria, Turkey, Indonesia, Mexico, Sierra Leone and closer home- Malawi. The paper reveals that Algeria and Turkey have succeeded in significantly increasing their agricultural exports with Algeria having significantly boosted the production of cereals. In both countries, success was due to government policies that promoted international trade, as well as sustained efforts to promote the agriculture sector as a pillar for future development of the economy. In Malawi, it is the performance of its staple crop, maize, which has responded to the new government policy of a smart subsidy for fertilizers; enabling the country to cover domestic demand and generate an exportable surplus.”
With the bulk of the population in the developing world based in rural areas and earning a living off their usually small tracts of land, FAO advises that “supporting smallholder farmers is one of the best ways to fight hunger and poverty. It is estimated that 85 percent of the farms in the world measure less than 2 hectares, and that smallholder farmers and their families represent 2 billion people, or one-third of the world’s population.”
The first part of the paper that looks at halving hunger defines food security, as stated in the Rome Declaration of the World Food Summit Plan Of Action 13 November 1996, as existing “when all people, at all times have access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life.” In this section, it is noted that eight of the thirty-one countries exhibiting a trend decline in the number of undernourishment, have already halved both the proportion and number of undernourished, thus achieving the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) and World Food Summit (WFS) for 2015.
On creating an enabling environment for economic growth and human wellbeing, Armenia succeeded in creating a strong enabling environment for private sector enterprise and reached out proactively to its small farmers to facilitate their transition to market-oriented operations. “In 2001, the Government of Nigeria introduced macro-economic reforms involving de-regulation and privatization in many sectors and began a major drive to develop agriculture within the framework of a National Special Programme for Food Security (NSPFS) which it launched with technical help from FAO. The non-oil economy of Nigeria is now growing at a rate of over 7 percent per annum, twice that of a decade ago. In 2008, the agricultural sector contributed 42 percent of GDP and employed about 70 percent of the active population.”
On the aspect of reaching out to the most vulnerable and investing in the rural poor Nigeria is reported to be pursing a policy of investment in small farmers as the core of its food security strategy. “The National Special programme for Food Security (NSPFS) promoted technologies that enabled small farmers to increase productivity and income significantly by introducing double and triple cropping.” This has helped develop rural communities through enhancing access to extension, credit and marketing services and nutrition and health education. As a result, this integrated approach is now being implemented through out Nigeria, with benefits for the economy as a whole, as well as for participating farmers.
For Armenia, planning for a sustainable future includes continuing to “enhance competitiveness, upgrading its water infrastructure to reduce leakage, investing in rural development to reduce disparities between capital and rural areas, and protecting biodiversity.” In Vietnam the priorities are investing in agricultural research and promoting environmentally-sustainable watershed management and irrigation technologies. Also in the plans is the tackling of public health challenges including sharp increases in the prevalence of tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, and food safety in the agro-processing industry.
The second part of the paper discusses transforming agriculture to meet global demand and it reflects on an October 2009 expert forum on How to Feed the World 2050 which stated that “in most regions by 2050, farmers will need new technologies to grow more from less land, with fewer hands.”
Algeria, Malawi and Turkey are cited as examples of countries that have begun transforming their agriculture sectors so that it promotes investment in the production of commodities and processed agricultural products for which there is growing demand in regional and global markets. FAO notes that the chronicles of these three countries show what is possible when governments commit themselves to policies and actions that are conducive to growth and development of export-oriented agriculture.
“In Algeria, the aggregate agricultural growth rate has averaged more than 4 percent per year since 2000, dipping only modestly in 2007 – the latest year for which data are available. This reflects government efforts to promote agriculture as a pillar for future development of the economy. The growth of Turkey’s agriculture sector as a whole has been slower, but the real value of its agricultural exports has increased significantly, thanks to economic reforms that liberalised markets and promoted trade. In Malawi, it is the performance of its staple food crop, maize, which has responded to a new government policy of subsidizing fertilizer, with the objective of enabling the sub-sector to cover both domestic requirements and export demand.”
Just as in much of Southern Africa, maize is the staple food of Malawi and as a way of making it available to the whole nation, an Agricultural Input Subsidy Programme (AISP) has been in operation in Malawi since 2005 with results being the boosting of production significantly and the stabilisation of prices.
Malawian smallholder agriculture is characterised by large numbers of very poor farmers of which the majority are women who when harvests are poor survive only if they can gain access to free food provided by various donor-funded food aid programmes. In breaking the dependency syndrome the government started implementing AISP in the 2005/6 season which is premised on improving smallholder productivity, reducing vulnerability to food insecurity and hunger, increasing food and cash crop production, promote food self-sufficiency, develop private sector input markets and promote wider growth and development.
As a result of the generalized improvement in access to fertilizers and improved seeds afforded by AISP, Malawi was in 2006 able to restore maize self-sufficiency through a significant increase in domestic production. Both commercial farmers and vulnerable households benefited and this has seen both the AISP and the improvement in production performance being maintained since then.
A striking effect of AISP is that “In 2008, despite sharply rising world market prices for food and energy early in the year, Malawi was able to contain food prices because of the strong performance of its maize sub-sector, and achieve an overall economic growth rate for the year of around 8 per cent. Moreover, harvests in the 2008/9 season have been good enough to allow the country to begin to position itself as a maize exporter within the southern African sub-region.”
Malawi is positioning its agricultural sector for sustained growth and this is evidenced by allocating as much as 16 percent of its public sector budget to agriculture each year, thereby making it one of the few African countries to have surpassed the agreement reached among ministers at the 2003 Maputo African Heads of State and Government Conference for a minimum allocation of at least 10 percent annually.
The report notes that “in line with directives of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and its Comprehensive African Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), the Government of Malawi and its development partners have recently formulated and endorsed an agriculture development program, called the Agriculture Sector Wide Approach (ASWAp) that provides the framework for donors and the government to allocate resources to agriculture and food security. The ASWAp envisions developing the agricultural sector so that it can simultaneously assure national food security and produce a diversified mix of commodities for the export market.”
Food security remains a priority in this Southern African country and in maintaining momentum in agricultural development; the Malawi government has set up the Green Belt Initiative that is aimed at stabilising the farmers’ access to water during growing seasons. The government envisages developing “a Green Belt along the parameters of Lake Malawi and its tributaries, which would allow the country’s smallholder farmers to make more productive use of the country’s abundant natural water resources for the production of food.”
As Turkey positions itself to become the fruit basket of Europe, exporting fruits and nuts to its western neighbours in both fresh and processed forms, it has embarked on a host of programmes that are aimed at boosting and strategically positioning its agricultural sector. Part of the Turkish government’s plans include recruiting 10 000 agricultural consultants to provide free advice to farmers in a network of over 30 000 villages with 2 500 having already been appointed by 2009.
In 2006 the Turkish government initiated an agricultural insurance system that secures farmers’ products and pledged to underwrite 50 percent of insurance pay outs as a from of grant. In addition to insurance, the government has embarked on a land tenure reform which will see “breaches of land protection and usage laws” now being severely punishable, “while over 1 million hectares of land have now been consolidated, double the amount in 2002.”
FAO notes that Turkey is developing human capital in its rural areas by improving education systems and agricultural training programmes. The aim of this investment is the stimulation of entrepreneurship and innovation, leading in turn to creation of more off-farm employment opportunities in the Turkish countryside and social empowerment of rural people.”
The Turkish government’s other strategies include one on water conservation where government is offering interest-free credit “and a 50 percent grant in support of drip and sprinkle irrigation investments as well as pressure irrigation systems, so as to provide efficient water usage and conserve the environment.” Still on conserving the environment, Turkey has for the first time prepared an Agricultural inventory aimed at conserving the environment and its natural resources with the result being native gene resources of crops having been put under protection thereby making the country to possess the third largest plant gene bank in the world.
“To make the vision of a world without hunger a reality, development processes combined with social safety nets must reach marginalized and food insecure people on a large scale, in the places where they live,” spelt FAO’s vision of a world without hunger at the 2007 National Programmes for Food Security Convention. A number of countries have taken major strides in achieving this with Mexico among the front runners in the developing world.
“Reaching the rural poor in remote areas has long been a challenge for Mexico. Now, through decentralized Rural Development Agencies (ADR), the government is putting teams of technical experts at the service of local communities, who define their own rural development initiatives.”
“Dismal global figures hide the fact that the number of hungry people has been declining in thirty one countries during the fifteen-year period from 1991 to 2005. The paper analyses examples of countries that are on track to achieve 2015 food security targets. Based on these examples, it argues that success in the battle to halve hunger will usually be characterised by: (1) creation of an enabling environment for economic growth and human well being, (2) outreach to the most vulnerable and investment in the rural poor, (3) protection of gains, and (4) planning for a sustainable future,” reads part of the introduction of the paper which also notes that an unwavering commitment from developing country governments themselves and strong support from the international community is required.
Developing countries discussed are Armenia, Brazil, Nigeria, Vietnam, Algeria, Turkey, Indonesia, Mexico, Sierra Leone and closer home- Malawi. The paper reveals that Algeria and Turkey have succeeded in significantly increasing their agricultural exports with Algeria having significantly boosted the production of cereals. In both countries, success was due to government policies that promoted international trade, as well as sustained efforts to promote the agriculture sector as a pillar for future development of the economy. In Malawi, it is the performance of its staple crop, maize, which has responded to the new government policy of a smart subsidy for fertilizers; enabling the country to cover domestic demand and generate an exportable surplus.”
With the bulk of the population in the developing world based in rural areas and earning a living off their usually small tracts of land, FAO advises that “supporting smallholder farmers is one of the best ways to fight hunger and poverty. It is estimated that 85 percent of the farms in the world measure less than 2 hectares, and that smallholder farmers and their families represent 2 billion people, or one-third of the world’s population.”
The first part of the paper that looks at halving hunger defines food security, as stated in the Rome Declaration of the World Food Summit Plan Of Action 13 November 1996, as existing “when all people, at all times have access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life.” In this section, it is noted that eight of the thirty-one countries exhibiting a trend decline in the number of undernourishment, have already halved both the proportion and number of undernourished, thus achieving the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) and World Food Summit (WFS) for 2015.
On creating an enabling environment for economic growth and human wellbeing, Armenia succeeded in creating a strong enabling environment for private sector enterprise and reached out proactively to its small farmers to facilitate their transition to market-oriented operations. “In 2001, the Government of Nigeria introduced macro-economic reforms involving de-regulation and privatization in many sectors and began a major drive to develop agriculture within the framework of a National Special Programme for Food Security (NSPFS) which it launched with technical help from FAO. The non-oil economy of Nigeria is now growing at a rate of over 7 percent per annum, twice that of a decade ago. In 2008, the agricultural sector contributed 42 percent of GDP and employed about 70 percent of the active population.”
On the aspect of reaching out to the most vulnerable and investing in the rural poor Nigeria is reported to be pursing a policy of investment in small farmers as the core of its food security strategy. “The National Special programme for Food Security (NSPFS) promoted technologies that enabled small farmers to increase productivity and income significantly by introducing double and triple cropping.” This has helped develop rural communities through enhancing access to extension, credit and marketing services and nutrition and health education. As a result, this integrated approach is now being implemented through out Nigeria, with benefits for the economy as a whole, as well as for participating farmers.
For Armenia, planning for a sustainable future includes continuing to “enhance competitiveness, upgrading its water infrastructure to reduce leakage, investing in rural development to reduce disparities between capital and rural areas, and protecting biodiversity.” In Vietnam the priorities are investing in agricultural research and promoting environmentally-sustainable watershed management and irrigation technologies. Also in the plans is the tackling of public health challenges including sharp increases in the prevalence of tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, and food safety in the agro-processing industry.
The second part of the paper discusses transforming agriculture to meet global demand and it reflects on an October 2009 expert forum on How to Feed the World 2050 which stated that “in most regions by 2050, farmers will need new technologies to grow more from less land, with fewer hands.”
Algeria, Malawi and Turkey are cited as examples of countries that have begun transforming their agriculture sectors so that it promotes investment in the production of commodities and processed agricultural products for which there is growing demand in regional and global markets. FAO notes that the chronicles of these three countries show what is possible when governments commit themselves to policies and actions that are conducive to growth and development of export-oriented agriculture.
“In Algeria, the aggregate agricultural growth rate has averaged more than 4 percent per year since 2000, dipping only modestly in 2007 – the latest year for which data are available. This reflects government efforts to promote agriculture as a pillar for future development of the economy. The growth of Turkey’s agriculture sector as a whole has been slower, but the real value of its agricultural exports has increased significantly, thanks to economic reforms that liberalised markets and promoted trade. In Malawi, it is the performance of its staple food crop, maize, which has responded to a new government policy of subsidizing fertilizer, with the objective of enabling the sub-sector to cover both domestic requirements and export demand.”
Just as in much of Southern Africa, maize is the staple food of Malawi and as a way of making it available to the whole nation, an Agricultural Input Subsidy Programme (AISP) has been in operation in Malawi since 2005 with results being the boosting of production significantly and the stabilisation of prices.
Malawian smallholder agriculture is characterised by large numbers of very poor farmers of which the majority are women who when harvests are poor survive only if they can gain access to free food provided by various donor-funded food aid programmes. In breaking the dependency syndrome the government started implementing AISP in the 2005/6 season which is premised on improving smallholder productivity, reducing vulnerability to food insecurity and hunger, increasing food and cash crop production, promote food self-sufficiency, develop private sector input markets and promote wider growth and development.
As a result of the generalized improvement in access to fertilizers and improved seeds afforded by AISP, Malawi was in 2006 able to restore maize self-sufficiency through a significant increase in domestic production. Both commercial farmers and vulnerable households benefited and this has seen both the AISP and the improvement in production performance being maintained since then.
A striking effect of AISP is that “In 2008, despite sharply rising world market prices for food and energy early in the year, Malawi was able to contain food prices because of the strong performance of its maize sub-sector, and achieve an overall economic growth rate for the year of around 8 per cent. Moreover, harvests in the 2008/9 season have been good enough to allow the country to begin to position itself as a maize exporter within the southern African sub-region.”
Malawi is positioning its agricultural sector for sustained growth and this is evidenced by allocating as much as 16 percent of its public sector budget to agriculture each year, thereby making it one of the few African countries to have surpassed the agreement reached among ministers at the 2003 Maputo African Heads of State and Government Conference for a minimum allocation of at least 10 percent annually.
The report notes that “in line with directives of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and its Comprehensive African Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP), the Government of Malawi and its development partners have recently formulated and endorsed an agriculture development program, called the Agriculture Sector Wide Approach (ASWAp) that provides the framework for donors and the government to allocate resources to agriculture and food security. The ASWAp envisions developing the agricultural sector so that it can simultaneously assure national food security and produce a diversified mix of commodities for the export market.”
Food security remains a priority in this Southern African country and in maintaining momentum in agricultural development; the Malawi government has set up the Green Belt Initiative that is aimed at stabilising the farmers’ access to water during growing seasons. The government envisages developing “a Green Belt along the parameters of Lake Malawi and its tributaries, which would allow the country’s smallholder farmers to make more productive use of the country’s abundant natural water resources for the production of food.”
As Turkey positions itself to become the fruit basket of Europe, exporting fruits and nuts to its western neighbours in both fresh and processed forms, it has embarked on a host of programmes that are aimed at boosting and strategically positioning its agricultural sector. Part of the Turkish government’s plans include recruiting 10 000 agricultural consultants to provide free advice to farmers in a network of over 30 000 villages with 2 500 having already been appointed by 2009.
In 2006 the Turkish government initiated an agricultural insurance system that secures farmers’ products and pledged to underwrite 50 percent of insurance pay outs as a from of grant. In addition to insurance, the government has embarked on a land tenure reform which will see “breaches of land protection and usage laws” now being severely punishable, “while over 1 million hectares of land have now been consolidated, double the amount in 2002.”
FAO notes that Turkey is developing human capital in its rural areas by improving education systems and agricultural training programmes. The aim of this investment is the stimulation of entrepreneurship and innovation, leading in turn to creation of more off-farm employment opportunities in the Turkish countryside and social empowerment of rural people.”
The Turkish government’s other strategies include one on water conservation where government is offering interest-free credit “and a 50 percent grant in support of drip and sprinkle irrigation investments as well as pressure irrigation systems, so as to provide efficient water usage and conserve the environment.” Still on conserving the environment, Turkey has for the first time prepared an Agricultural inventory aimed at conserving the environment and its natural resources with the result being native gene resources of crops having been put under protection thereby making the country to possess the third largest plant gene bank in the world.
“To make the vision of a world without hunger a reality, development processes combined with social safety nets must reach marginalized and food insecure people on a large scale, in the places where they live,” spelt FAO’s vision of a world without hunger at the 2007 National Programmes for Food Security Convention. A number of countries have taken major strides in achieving this with Mexico among the front runners in the developing world.
“Reaching the rural poor in remote areas has long been a challenge for Mexico. Now, through decentralized Rural Development Agencies (ADR), the government is putting teams of technical experts at the service of local communities, who define their own rural development initiatives.”
Wednesday, January 20, 2010
Nestlé happy with Zim operations
HARARE – Swiss multinational firm, Nestlé said at the weekend that it is happy with progress at its Zimbabwe factory after resuming operations following a two-week shutdown last year.
Nestlé, which has operated in Zimbabwe for the past 50 years, shut its Harare factory last month complaining of harassment by authorities after it stopped receiving milk supplies from Gushungo Dairy Estates owned by Grace Mugabe, the wife of President Robert Mugabe.
But the food manufacturer resumed operations on December 31 after a top government official reassured the firm on the safety of its staff and operations.
In a statement Nestlé said all its operations were functioning without any impediments.
“The factory, distribution centre and head office are working under normal conditions. We take this opportunity to thank you for your unfailing support as we celebrate our 50 years anniversary in Zimbabwe and wish you a happy New Year,” read part of the statement.
The factory shutdown was seen by many as a setback to efforts by the coalition government of Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to attract foreign investors, desperately needed to help resuscitate Zimbabwe's battered economy.
Nestlé, which until October had bought between 10 and 15 percent of milk processed at its Harare plant from Gushungo, stopped accepting milk from the farm after international media coverage of the milk purchases put the firm under the spotlight.
Some human rights groups, incensed at what they perceived as Nestlé’s support for Mugabe’s controversial farm seizure programme also threatened to call on consumers to boycott the company’s products if it did not stop buying Gushungo milk.
Grace was allocated Gushungo under her husband’s chaotic and often violent land reforms that also saw senior members of the military and Mugabe’s ZANU PF party, their friends and allies handed some of the best farms seized from whites.
Critics say Mugabe's farm seizure programme has ruined Zimbabwe’s once-prosperous economy. The veteran President, in power since independence from Britain in 1980, denies the charge and instead says Zimbabwe’s economic crisis was due to sanctions imposed by Western nations in response to his land reforms. – ZimOnline.
Nestlé, which has operated in Zimbabwe for the past 50 years, shut its Harare factory last month complaining of harassment by authorities after it stopped receiving milk supplies from Gushungo Dairy Estates owned by Grace Mugabe, the wife of President Robert Mugabe.
But the food manufacturer resumed operations on December 31 after a top government official reassured the firm on the safety of its staff and operations.
In a statement Nestlé said all its operations were functioning without any impediments.
“The factory, distribution centre and head office are working under normal conditions. We take this opportunity to thank you for your unfailing support as we celebrate our 50 years anniversary in Zimbabwe and wish you a happy New Year,” read part of the statement.
The factory shutdown was seen by many as a setback to efforts by the coalition government of Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to attract foreign investors, desperately needed to help resuscitate Zimbabwe's battered economy.
Nestlé, which until October had bought between 10 and 15 percent of milk processed at its Harare plant from Gushungo, stopped accepting milk from the farm after international media coverage of the milk purchases put the firm under the spotlight.
Some human rights groups, incensed at what they perceived as Nestlé’s support for Mugabe’s controversial farm seizure programme also threatened to call on consumers to boycott the company’s products if it did not stop buying Gushungo milk.
Grace was allocated Gushungo under her husband’s chaotic and often violent land reforms that also saw senior members of the military and Mugabe’s ZANU PF party, their friends and allies handed some of the best farms seized from whites.
Critics say Mugabe's farm seizure programme has ruined Zimbabwe’s once-prosperous economy. The veteran President, in power since independence from Britain in 1980, denies the charge and instead says Zimbabwe’s economic crisis was due to sanctions imposed by Western nations in response to his land reforms. – ZimOnline.
Tuesday, January 19, 2010
Mudzuri backs down on power exports
HARARE – Zimbabwe Energy Minister Elias Mudzuri has backed down on his decision to stop struggling Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) from exporting power to Namibia.
Last week Mudzuri told ZimOnline that he had ordered the country’s power utility ZESA to stop exporting power to Namibia since Hwange power station was not working properly.
But Mudzuri on Tuesday said ZESA will still honour the US$40 million power export deal it signed with Namibia’s power utility – NamPower – in 2007.
"The government of Zimbabwe and ZESA remain committed to the terms of both the loan agreement and the power purchase agreement as well as the Southern Africa Power Pool trading protocols," Mudzuri said in a statement. "Any changes and improvement to the agreement are to be done within the context of the agreement itself."
In 2007, ZESA entered a deal with NamPower in which it provided a US$40 million loan to refurbish Hwange power station. In return ZESA would supply electricity to Namibia.
But frequent breakdowns at Hwange have meant ZESA has had to import power from other regional suppliers for export to Namibia to comply with the 2007 deal, and Mudzuri last week ordered ZESA to stop power exports until Hwange is back in operation – a decision the minister has now reversed.
Zimbabwe generates 1 100MW far below the required 2 000MW.
ZESA’s inability over the years to boost generation capacity at its ageing power stations and a critical shortage of foreign currency to import adequate electricity from neighbouring countries has left Zimbabwe grappling with severe power shortages.
The Zimbabwean energy firm says cash-rich foreign investors remain reluctant to provide funding badly needed to boost power generation because of uncertainty about the country’s future political and economic direction.
A coalition government formed by President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and deputy Premier Arthur Mutambara has brought a degree of stability to Zimbabwe’s political situation but the future remains uncertain.
Incessant squabbling between Mugabe and Tsvangirai has left political analysts wondering about the Harare coalition government’s long-term viability while most potential investors appear to have adopted a wait and see attitude before they can consider making any significant investments in the country. – ZimOnline
Last week Mudzuri told ZimOnline that he had ordered the country’s power utility ZESA to stop exporting power to Namibia since Hwange power station was not working properly.
But Mudzuri on Tuesday said ZESA will still honour the US$40 million power export deal it signed with Namibia’s power utility – NamPower – in 2007.
"The government of Zimbabwe and ZESA remain committed to the terms of both the loan agreement and the power purchase agreement as well as the Southern Africa Power Pool trading protocols," Mudzuri said in a statement. "Any changes and improvement to the agreement are to be done within the context of the agreement itself."
In 2007, ZESA entered a deal with NamPower in which it provided a US$40 million loan to refurbish Hwange power station. In return ZESA would supply electricity to Namibia.
But frequent breakdowns at Hwange have meant ZESA has had to import power from other regional suppliers for export to Namibia to comply with the 2007 deal, and Mudzuri last week ordered ZESA to stop power exports until Hwange is back in operation – a decision the minister has now reversed.
Zimbabwe generates 1 100MW far below the required 2 000MW.
ZESA’s inability over the years to boost generation capacity at its ageing power stations and a critical shortage of foreign currency to import adequate electricity from neighbouring countries has left Zimbabwe grappling with severe power shortages.
The Zimbabwean energy firm says cash-rich foreign investors remain reluctant to provide funding badly needed to boost power generation because of uncertainty about the country’s future political and economic direction.
A coalition government formed by President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and deputy Premier Arthur Mutambara has brought a degree of stability to Zimbabwe’s political situation but the future remains uncertain.
Incessant squabbling between Mugabe and Tsvangirai has left political analysts wondering about the Harare coalition government’s long-term viability while most potential investors appear to have adopted a wait and see attitude before they can consider making any significant investments in the country. – ZimOnline
Monday, January 18, 2010
The Trial of Robert Mugabe
Nigerian writer and philosopher who teaches African and World literature at Northeastern Illinois University, Chicago in the United States of America, last year published a book titled The Trial of Robert Mugabe and critics have labeled it as one of the most creative pieces of African literature discussing one of Africa's most spoken about political figure; Zimbabwean Executive President Robert Mugabe, writes Simba Nembaware.
The opening paragraph of the novel reads as follows... Robert Mugabe, dressed in his quaint army uniform, sat between two brawny soldiers. Three other soldiers sat behind him; the palms of their hands were placed on their knees, their gazes stonily fixed to the front. He did not understand what was happening, but since the soldiers were his bodyguards, he saw no reason to panic. Not yet. But as soon as the other section of the court began to fill up, his calm gave way to misgivings. First to appear was Joshua Nkomo, followed by Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Ndabaningi Sithole, and Joshua Gumede. Mugabe's face tightened in distress. He gnashed his teeth, scratched at his tiny Hitler mustache and leaned to his left. "What's going on here?" he asked the soldier on that side.
Based on the concept that when people die they go to heaven where they will be tried and their destined determined, this fictional account presents a Robert Mugabe who has died and now on trial in heaven for the human rights abuses perpetrated under his regime. Author, Chielo Zona Eze mixes history, literature, and postcolonial theory in this powerful novel.
In the story Mugabe can not recall when exactly he died and he is shocked to be in the presence of God for trial. Facing him are countless people who died during his regime. They tell their stories, after which God condemns him to hell. Mugabe suddenly wakes up, in Harare, realizing he just had a dreadful dream.
Set in the African Afterlife, The Trial of Robert Mugabe tells the Zimbabwean story from the perspectives of two iconic Zimbabwean writers, Yvonne Vera and Dambudzo Marechera, present at the trial. At the core of the trial is Gukurahundi(1982-1987), a highly orchestrated genocide on Ndebele people by Mugabe’s North Korean trained Fifth Brigade. Yvonne Vera had reflected this mass killing in her novel, The Stone Virgins. At the trial, she relates some of what she knows about Gukurahundi to Mugabe's hearing.
Marechera also gets a unique opportunity to interpret his famous title, House of Hunger, to Mugabe's understanding. But this is not just about Gukurahundi. It is also about Zimbabwe today (2000-2008). It is about how Mugabe’s militia used rape, murder and starvation as means of political repression.
It is my sincere wish that such literature may be sold in Zimbabwe so that our people and indeed those within the government and the ruling party machinery may get a glimpse of what the future possibly holds for them. Such books tend to show how the world views us and how disappointing our leadership is.
It is with regrets that i should observe that with the harsh media laws in our country such books that naturally tickle people's minds into thinking out of box will not be allowed into the country. These books are banned even before their publishers think of entering the Zimbabwean market.
The opening paragraph of the novel reads as follows... Robert Mugabe, dressed in his quaint army uniform, sat between two brawny soldiers. Three other soldiers sat behind him; the palms of their hands were placed on their knees, their gazes stonily fixed to the front. He did not understand what was happening, but since the soldiers were his bodyguards, he saw no reason to panic. Not yet. But as soon as the other section of the court began to fill up, his calm gave way to misgivings. First to appear was Joshua Nkomo, followed by Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Ndabaningi Sithole, and Joshua Gumede. Mugabe's face tightened in distress. He gnashed his teeth, scratched at his tiny Hitler mustache and leaned to his left. "What's going on here?" he asked the soldier on that side.
Based on the concept that when people die they go to heaven where they will be tried and their destined determined, this fictional account presents a Robert Mugabe who has died and now on trial in heaven for the human rights abuses perpetrated under his regime. Author, Chielo Zona Eze mixes history, literature, and postcolonial theory in this powerful novel.
In the story Mugabe can not recall when exactly he died and he is shocked to be in the presence of God for trial. Facing him are countless people who died during his regime. They tell their stories, after which God condemns him to hell. Mugabe suddenly wakes up, in Harare, realizing he just had a dreadful dream.
Set in the African Afterlife, The Trial of Robert Mugabe tells the Zimbabwean story from the perspectives of two iconic Zimbabwean writers, Yvonne Vera and Dambudzo Marechera, present at the trial. At the core of the trial is Gukurahundi(1982-1987), a highly orchestrated genocide on Ndebele people by Mugabe’s North Korean trained Fifth Brigade. Yvonne Vera had reflected this mass killing in her novel, The Stone Virgins. At the trial, she relates some of what she knows about Gukurahundi to Mugabe's hearing.
Marechera also gets a unique opportunity to interpret his famous title, House of Hunger, to Mugabe's understanding. But this is not just about Gukurahundi. It is also about Zimbabwe today (2000-2008). It is about how Mugabe’s militia used rape, murder and starvation as means of political repression.
It is my sincere wish that such literature may be sold in Zimbabwe so that our people and indeed those within the government and the ruling party machinery may get a glimpse of what the future possibly holds for them. Such books tend to show how the world views us and how disappointing our leadership is.
It is with regrets that i should observe that with the harsh media laws in our country such books that naturally tickle people's minds into thinking out of box will not be allowed into the country. These books are banned even before their publishers think of entering the Zimbabwean market.
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